Balochistan vs the federation Daily: Daily Times Date: 11.01.12 Diversity is the bedrock of a federation: not homogeneity but heterogeneity expressed in terms of ethnicity, language and race gives birth to a federation. Diversity also entails a variety of thought, some of which may send out dissenting notes. If those voices are not heard and respected, the very purpose of constructing a federation dies. In the case of Pakistan, nothing could spoil the spirit of the federation like the martial laws which ran the country on the centralized system of government, as if Pakistan had been a unitary state. The martial law of General Ayub Khan blighted the concept of a federation. During his era, the lopsided development in which East Pakistan was overlooked while West Pakistan was comparatively overdeveloped made the country witness eventually the fall of Dhaka in 1971. The martial law of General Zia ul Haq denied the people the right of provincial autonomy which was supposed to be devolved in 1983 (after 10 years of formulating the Constitution in 1973). Further, the 8th Constitutional Amendment passed in 1985 remained bereft of the provision of provincial autonomy. The martial law of General Pervaiz Musharraf aped the mode of government – that is, centralized – constructed by General Zia. The 17th Constitutional Amendment passed in 2004 also remained devoid of provincial autonomy. All the three military dictators offered local bodies to the people but refused them the gift of provincial autonomy. There is another dimension to look at the same issue. The federal formula has not worked well in Pakistan because of the anti-federation policies adopted by the military regimes. For instance, General Musharraf’s much-touted policy of ‘unity of command’ may be a panacea for the ills of the armed forces but not for the problems of the federation. The unity-of- command concept was also popular in the religious circles, who thought that the title ‘Islamic Republic’ opened a window of opportunity for introduction of a Caliphate-like system in Pakistan. The convergence of thought not only brought them closer to each other but also engendered a kind of thinking that Pakistan’s salvation lay in a centralized system of government and not in a decentralized one. Introduction of the local bodies by General Musharraf in the name of decentralization of power was not a substitute for granting provincial autonomy. The history of martial laws indicates that the military mind was indisposed to the provision of provincial autonomy. The Pakistan of today is a victim of that thinking. Balochistan is the worst example of the outcome of that proclivity. The Baloch should also consider that they are not the only victims around, though they are the worst victims. In the context of the province-federation relationship, the case of Balochistan is a serious one. Balochistan is still feeling the hangover effect of the centralized government propounded and practised by General Musharraf. One of the reasons may be that the state’ s security apparatus has no realization what shape of Balochistan is bound to emerge after the 18th Amendment was passed in 2010. The situation demands that the subject of federation should compulsorily be introduced both at the Military Academy Kakool, Abbottabad, and Staff College, Quetta. The officers and soldiers of the armed forces should learn by heart the concept of federation both before joining the military service and before getting promoted to higher commanding positions. Certainly, federalism is a fatality of their ignorance. The post-2008 era brought more disappointment to the Baloch than happiness. The recent surge in violence may be symptomatic of the frustration of the Baloch on the defective delivery by the incumbent government on the Balochistan package. The current democratic dispensation is supposed to assuage the Baloch by recompense for the losses they suffered during the Musharraf era. Can anybody guess what the number of ‘safe houses’ is in Balochistan? Does anyone know how many Baloch are languishing in each ‘safe house’? Why can one not know? Are these places out of bounds of Pakistan? The existence of ‘safe houses’ is a great insult to the slogans of democracy and human rights. The Baloch are bristling with anger and indignation at the inhuman treatment meted out to them in ‘safe houses’. It may be possible that a period of respite visit the Baloch when the ‘safe houses’ in Balochistan outnumber those that were constructed in East Pakistan before 1971. The question is, does the existence of ‘safe houses’ offer a guarantee of the unity of the federation? Can these ‘safe houses’ protect Pakistan from (further) disintegration? If the answer is in the affirmative, seek copy rights of that idea by getting ‘your’ name registered against it before someone else claims the same. The other day, Nawaz Sharif visited Quetta and gave a call for holding an All Parties Conference (APC) on Balochistan. His initiative needs to be appreciated. Other political parties are giving their consent to attend the APC. By providing provincial autonomy to all provinces including Balochistan, parliament did a great but half of the job. The existence of ‘safe houses’ in Balochistan and illegal detention of the Baloch there means that the rest of the job is yet to be done. Balochistan is yet to be liberated from the clutches of the institution of defence which falls within the purview of the Centre. Hence, the question is, will politicians make a concerted effort to dismantle the ‘safe houses’ and set the Baloch (rotting there) free? The second major challenge to the APC will be to bridge the trust deficit of the Baloch in the federation by devising ways to recover the missing persons and make the Baloch forget the dead. The APC should also invite the Baloch dissidents and nationalists such as Khair Bukhsh Marri to attend the APC to make it as representative and fruitful as possible. The Baloch should be offered a sense of participation and they should be given a free hand to play a role in the decision making of their province. Back to columns in 2012